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Updated 03-21-08
Marie de l'Incarnation /Marie
Guyart (1599-1672)
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"MY SPIRIT... COULD NOT REMAIN SHUT UP THERE."
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Marie Guyart was born in the city of Tours to a master baker and his wife. Although she felt drawn to a religious life, she was married at 17 to a silk maker, Claude Martin. At 18, she had a son, also named Claude; six months later, her husband died in bankruptcy. The only way she could have assured an income for herself and her son was to re-marry, but she refused to do this. Instead, they lived with her sister and brother-in-law, an illiterate merchant-wagoneer, for almost ten years; for most of those years, Marie acted as manager of her brother-in-law's company.
In 1631 Marie left her 11-year-old son in the reluctant care of her sister and joined the Ursuline monastery in Tours (where a dowry was not required for entrance), taking the name Marie de l'Incarnation. Marie felt that she was obeying God in making this move; her family, including her son, felt that she was abandoning her maternal responsibilities. This theme would recur for years in her correspondence with her son. Shortly after she took vows in 1634, Marie was made an assistant to the novice-mistress; in that capacity, she wrote Explication familiere de la doctrine chretienne, a catechism for the novices and young nuns that she thought more helpful to religious than the general catechisms used for the laity.
In the monastery, Marie read the Jesuit Relations, letters sent from "New France" by members of the Society of Jesus working as missionaries in Canada. She began to think about doing missionary work herself, but for an enclosed nun it seemed an impossibility. At the same time, however, Jesuits were working with French bishops and wealthy lay people to sponsor the first religious houses of women to be established in Quebec, founded in 1608. Marie volunteered, and in 1639, she left France for the three-month voyage to Quebec with two other Ursulines and three Augustinian nuns: the Ursulines to found a school, the Augustinians a hospital.
In Quebec, Marie found herself far from the lack of "commotion" that she had originally sought in religious life. In order to teach Native Americans she had to learn their languages; she would later write dictionaries and texts in those languages (these works are lost). She spent 18 years as superior, dealing with French and Native American leaders; between those terms as superior, she served in other offices.
And she wrote letters: fund-raising letters to "ladies of rank" in France; reports to the Jesuits and to the Ursulines at Tours and elsewhere; letters to her son, Claude, who had joined a monastery in France. Over 270 letters have survived, and they are apparently a small part of the total. Marie's letters are semi-public documents: she knew that the letters to benefactors would be passed around, those to the Ursulines would be read aloud and archived, even parts of the letters to Claude would be shared with bishops and other priests. But even in the public letters, and certainly in the private parts of the letters to Claude, the reader can watch Marie change through her experiences.
In 1654 Marie wrote, at the direction of her confessor, a Relation, an account of her spiritual life, which she then sent to Claude. It is sometimes described as her "autobiography," and it is valuable for information on her life before she went to Quebec, but it is only the letters that tell us about the last 18 years of her life.
Five years after her death Claude Martin published La Vie de la venerable Mere Marie de l'Incarnation, a biography which included the 1654 Relation; part of an earlier spiritual Relation, written in France in 1633; and extracts from her letters --- all interspersed with Claude's own commentary. In 1681, Claude published 221 of Marie's letters. To date, some of the letters, the two "Relations," and some early retreat notes have been translated into English.
On this page you'll find:
Links to helpful sites online.
Excerpts from translations in print.
Information about secondary sources.
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1. From Marie's letters:
(a) Use your browser's search function to the second use of "Incarnation" for a passage from a 1640's letter describing the preaching of a zealous young Huron woman, translated by Natalie Zemon Davis.
(b) Go to "Incarnation" for two brief passages describing to her son, Claude, the 1649 deaths (and relics) of two Jesuits, Jean de Brebeuf and Gabriel Lallemant.
(c) Go to "Incarnation" for a few lines from a 1652 letter to Claude, encouraging him (and herself?) to persevere in the face of apparent failure; the translation is by Joyce Marshall.
(d) Go to "Incarnation" for a 1661 description of a comet (note Marie's attempt to make Claude visualize what she has seen: "a man of fire...a canoe of fire...a great crown").
(e) An essay by Peter Lowensteyn on a Mohawk leader, which includes passages from Marie's letters from 1650 and 1666. Although the entire essay is of interest in its description of the French treatment of a potential ally, for Marie's own words go to the uses of "Incarnation"; the passages are translated by Marshall (for more from Marshall, see below, under "In print").
(f) Go to the three uses of "Incarnation" for lines from a 1666 letter to Claude on fighting the Iroquois, translated by Marshall.
(g) Go to "Incarnation" for a 1667 passage on the first regular French troops who had arrived, accompanied by civilians, two years earlier.
(h) An account (in two 1670 letters) of waiting for the return from France of the man most responsible for the colony's well-being, Jean Talon, New France's Intendant of Justice, Police, and Finance.
2. From the 1654 Relation:
(a) In an essay by Terence Martin on Willa Cather's Shadows on the Rock, go to the second use of "Incarnation" for Martin's description of Marie, followed by a passage describing the day in 1631 when she left Claude. The translation is by Irene Mahoney (for more from Mahoney, see "In print").
(b) Marie's description of her first meeting with the "savages" at the ship's 1639 landing in New France, translated by John J. Sullivan.
3. Marie's contributions to the Jesuit Relations (in a translation edited by Reuben Thwaite, 1869):
(a) Go to "Incarnation" for Marie's 1640 description of the preparation of three Huron girls for their first communion.
(b) About one-fourth of the way down the page, all of Chapter 10 gives Marie's 1652 account of the life and death of Marie de Saint Joseph, one of the nuns who had come with her from France in 1639.
(c) Go to "Chapter the Last" (near the bottom of the page), for 1653 information from "a good Ursuline Mother" (assumed to be Marie) on three of her Huron students and others who wish to live as Christians.
(d) From the site's main page, you can search for "Incarnation" for more on Marie in Quebec.
4. In French:
(a) Links to the individual pages of an 1857 collection of 50 of Marie's letters: the first ones were written before she went to New France; most of the others are to Claude.
(b) At the drop-down menu "View page," links to the individual pages of an 1878 edition of Explication familiere de la doctrine chretienne, the catechism Marie wrote in 1634-35 for the novices and young sister of Tours.
(c) Excerpts from a 1663 letter describing a series of earthquakes that had occurred over a period of several months. (Note Marie's determination to be accurate: someone else had said there were 32 tremors in one night, but "Je n'en comptai pourtant que six.")
(d) Go to the second use of "Incarnation" for Marie's 1670 description of a French explorer who worked for both the English and the French.
(e) A passage on prayer from the spiritual writings included in Claude's 1677 La Vie de la venerable Mere Marie de l'Incarnation.
(f) At the drop-down menu "View page," links to the individual pages of an 1892 edition of Histoire de la venerable Mere Marie de l'Incarnation; the work includes all of Claude's Vie.
5. Essays, etc.:
(a) Marie-Emmanuel Chabot's substantial 2000 entry on Marie in the Dictionary of Canadian Biography describes both Marie's life and her extant writing.
(b) The first part of Heidi Keller-Lapp's 2007 essay, "Floating Cloisters and Heroic Women: French Ursuline Missionaries, 1639-1744," describes Marie's mission as including the defense of the teaching apostolate, not only in Canada but also in France, where Ursulines were required to be strictly enclosed; passages from Marie's letters are given in Keller-Lapp's own translation.
(c) A link to the text of Agnes Repplier's 1931 biography, Mere Marie of the Ursulines: A Study in Adventure, which includes excerpts of the letters; you can also download the work as a PDF file.
(d) The 1880 Life of the Venerable Mother Mary of the Incarnation, by "A Religious of the Ursuline Community," useful for substantial excerpts from Marie's writing. The book is appropriately hagiographic because it was part of the effort to have Marie canonized by the Catholic Church. (The effort has been at least partially successful: she was beatified in 1980.)
6. Reviews (for more on the books' treatment of Marie, see "Secondary sources"):
(a) Tom Conley on Mitchell Greenberg's 2001 study, Baroque Bodies: Psychoanalysis and the Culture of French Absolutism.
(b) Claire Carlin on Elizabeth C. Goldsmith's 2001 study, Publishing Women's Life Stories in France, 1647-1720: From Voice to Print.
(c) Larissa Juliet Taylor on Marie-Florine Bruneau's 1998 study, Women Mystics Confront the Modern World: Marie de l'Incarnation (1599-1672) and Madame Guyon (1648-1717)
(d) Barbara J. Todd on Natalie Zemon Davis' 1995 study, Women on the Margins: Three Seventeenth-century Lives.
6. A portrait of Marie from the 1684 edition of Claude's Vie.
7. For historical background:
(a) "The Frenchification and Evangelization of the Amerindians in the Seventeenth Century New France" (1968), an essay by Cornelius J. Jaenen; Marie's letters are among Jaenen's sources.
(b) For an overview of the events in New France during Marie's life, a timeline, "History of Canada: 1600 To 1699," with links to relevant detail.
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[Joyce Marshall has translated 66 letters dating from 1639 to 1671, most from Claude Martin's 1681 edition. She points out that Claude's editing "did a certain amount of smoothing, added a few elegances" (p.31). The letters chosen by Marshall are those that tell of the history of the French settlements in Canada. A detailed general introduction and historical introductions to each chronological section are helpful, as are the notes and index:]
Word from New France: the selected letters of Marie de l'Incarnation
/ translated and edited by Joyce Marshall. Toronto: Oxford University
Press, 1967. (viii, 435 p.: map)
LC#: BX4705.M365 A41 1967
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[Another translation, Irene Mahoney's, includes the 1654 Relation, the extant part of the 1633 Relation, notes from a 1633 retreat, and 22 letters from Canada (9 of which are not in Marshall, above). The introduction and notes focus on the religious aspect of Marie's writing; the bibliography lists the few earlier English-language studies:]
Marie of the Incarnation: selected writings / edited by Irene
Mahoney (Sources of American spirituality). New York: Paulist
Press, c1989. (v, 285 p.)
LC#:BX4705.M36 A3 1989; ISBN: 0809104288
Bibliography: p. 277-281. Includes index
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"...how peaceful religious life seemed."
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[From the 1654 Relation, thinking back on the difference between the monastery at Tours and her earlier life with her family:]
There is no way of expressing how peaceful religious life seemed after the sort of worries I had left, especially as a novice who is not supposed to be concerned with anything except the observance of the Rule. All this curtailment was perfectly adapted to my spirit and nature which, of itself, had no love for commotion. [Mahoney, p.96]
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"...considering myself... the most cruel of all mothers."
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[In 1647, from a letter to Claude, who at 28 still felt abandoned:]
Indeed, you have reason, in a sense, to complain that I left you. And I should myself, if it were permitted me, complain of the One that came to bring a sword to the earth, which has made such strange divisions here. It is true that, even though you were the only thing in the world to which my heart was attached, he wished to separate us while you were still at the breast. And I struggled to keep you for almost twelve years...
At last I had to yield to the strength of divine love and suffer that division that was more sensible to me than I can tell you, but this has not prevented my considering myself an infinity of times as the most cruel of all mothers.
I ask your pardon for this, my very dear son, for I am the reason for your suffering many afflictions. But let us console ourselves that life is short and we shall have... a whole eternity in which to see one another and rejoice together in him [God]. [Marshall, p.164]
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"I had never fondled him as one does with children."
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[Seven years later, the Relation recalls her 11-year-old son's coming to the convent in 1631 asking to be given back his mother. The reader can understand the adult Claude's continuing need for reassurance:]
...I was amazed at his deep affection, for since his infancy I had been determined to leave him in obedience to God. I had never fondled him as one does with children, despite my deep love. My intention was to detach him from me in view of the time when he would be old enough for me to leave him.
The act of leaving my son was variously interpreted so that I needed great courage.... I saw that he would have a great deal to suffer, for ordinarily relatives lack the tenderness of a mother nor does a child so confidently seek their help.... [Mahoney, p.97]
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"My body was in our monastery but...."
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[In 1654 Marie thinks back to 1634 and her first interest in missionary work:]
My body was in our monastery but my spirit, united to that of Jesus, could not remain shut up there. This apostolic spirit carried me in thought to the Indies, to Japan, to America, to the East and to the West, to parts of Canada, to the country of the Hurons --- in short, to every part of the inhabited world where there were human souls who belonged by right to Jesus Christ. [Mahoney, p.112]
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" This malady, which is smallpox...."
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[After a 3-month voyage the three Ursulines arrived in August 1639 at the small French settlement of Quebec, "only five or six little house at the most." In a 1640 letter to "a lady of rank" on their first Native American boarders, Marie speaks of the devastating illness the Europeans had inadvertently brought to the "Savages":]
...[I]t is a very special providence of this great God that we are able to have girls after the great number of them that died last year. This malady, which is smallpox, being universal among the Savages, it spread to our seminary, which in a very few days resembled a hospital. All of our girls suffered this malady three times and four of them died from it.
We all expected to fall sick, because the malady was a veritable contagion.... But Our Lord aided us so powerfully that none of us was indisposed.
The Savages that are not Christian hold the delusion that it is baptism, instruction, and dwelling among the French that was the cause of this mortality.... [Marshall, pp.75-76]
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"Everyone was dead."
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[In the same month, from a letter to the Ursuline superior at Tours telling what the Jesuits had reported from a Huron village at which they were staying. Neither Marie not any of the French realized that "dwelling among the French" was indeed the cause of the Huron deaths, that they themselves had introduced disease to those who had no immunity:]
One of the oldest and most prominent women of this [Huron] nation harangued an assembly in this way: "It is the Black Robes that make us die by their spells. Hearken to me, I am proving by arguments you will know to be true. They lodged in a certain village where everyone was well. As soon as they were established there, everyone was dead except for three or four persons. they went everywhere and the same thing happened. They visited the cabins in other villages and only those they did not enter were free of mortality and sickness.... If they are not promptly put to death, they will finally ruin the country so that neither great nor small will remain." [Marshall, p.82]
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"...like rocks rolling around in my head."
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[As soon as they arrived, the Ursulines had begun to learn the languages they would need in order to teach. In a 1640 letter to an old friend, a fellow Ursuline still in France, Marie began by writing two sentences in Algonquin; then she translates what she has written:]
That is to say, in our tongue "My Sister, even though you are very far away, I love you still, more than if I saw you. I embrace you heartily, my Sister, and it is because of your love for God that I love you"....
I must confess that in France I almost never took the trouble to read a story and now I must read and ponder all sorts of things in the language of the Savages. We carry on our studies in this barbarous tongue as do young children that go to school to learn Latin. [Marshall, p.79]
[And looking back from 1654:]
We had to study the language of the savages, and the urgent desire I had to teach them led me to be the first to embark on this.... As it was more than twenty years since I had undertaken anything of the speculative nature, at first the study of a language so totally different from ours gave me a headache, It seemed to me that learning all these words by heart and memorizing the forms of the verbs --- for we study according to the rules --- was like rocks rolling around in my head. [Mahoney, p.137]
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"At the age of fifty I am beginning to study a new tongue."
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[And in 1650, in a letter to Claude, on a new group of Hurons who had come to Quebec fleeing the Iroquois:]
These new habitants oblige us to study the Huron tongue to which I had not previously applied myself, having contented myself with knowing only that of the Algonkins and Montagnais who are always with us. You will perhaps laugh that at the age of fifty I am beginning to study a new tongue, but one must undertake all things for the service of God and the salvation of one's neighbor. [Marshall, p.180]
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"I shall leave as much writing as I can."
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[As the number of Ursulines in Quebec increased, Marie began to write works they could use to teach their students. In 1562, she tells Claude:]
Last winter I had three or four sisters continually with me, to satisfy their desire to learn what I know of the tongues of the country. Their great eagerness gave me the fervor and strength to instruct them....
Between the Advent of Christmas and the end of February I wrote them out a Huron catechism, three Algonkin catechisms, all the Christian prayers in that tongue, and a big Algonkin dictionary. [Marshall, p.272]
[And in 1668, aged 69:]
...I am resolved that before my death I shall leave as much writing as I can. Between the beginning of last Lent and Ascension Day, I wrote a big book in Algonkin about sacred history and holy things, and also an Iroquois dictionary and an Iroquois catechism that is a treasure.
Last year I wrote a big dictionary in the French alphabet; I have another in the Savage alphabet. I tell you this to show you that divine Goodness gives me strength in my weakness to leave my sisters something to work with in its service for the salvation of souls. [Marshall. p.334]
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"In a word, our monastery was converted into a fort...."
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[From 1644, Iroquois had been harassing those Native Americans who worked with and lived near the French. In 1660, Iroquois attacks were threatening Quebec itself:]
But the news of this [Iroquois] army, which was considered to be close, caused Monseigneur the Bishop to feel such apprehension that harm might befall the religious that he had the Blessed Sacrament carried from our church and ordered our Community to follow.... [W]e had to obey.
...[G]uards were posted at the two extremities of our house. Regular sentry duty was maintained... Defenses were built at our entrances.... We could not even go out into our court except by a little turnstile door through which only one person could pass at a time. In a word, our monastery was converted into a fort guarded by twenty-four very resolute men.
When we were given the order to depart, the guards had already been posted. I had permission not to go, so as not to leave our monastery to the neglect of so many men of war, to whom I would have to furnish the necessary weapons, for their mouths as well as for the watch. Three other religious remained with me.... [Marshall, p.241]
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"These barbarians must be exterminated."
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[This threatened attack turned out to be a false alarm, but within a few months the French settlers determined to destroy the Iroquois. For fifteen years, Marie had believed that the Iroquois could be converted. Now, in the harshest statement in all her letters, Marie agrees with the settlers, though uneasily enough that she feels the need to justify her view --- "repugnant to the spirit of the Gospel" --- to Claude:]
All this information has so roused the French that they are resolved to destroy these wretches themselves, with the help they are awaiting from France. They can no longer delay their destruction after so many acts of hostility and ruptures of the peace. As many of them as they capture they give into the hands of the Algonkins, who are men of courage, very good Christians, and faithful to the French, and treat the Iroquois as they themselves are treated when they are captured [i.e., tortured and burnt alive].
You are astonished at this resolution and say that it is repugnant to the spirit of the Gospel and of the apostles, who risked their lives to save the infidels and even those that made them suffer. Monseigneur our Prelate was of your sentiment....
After so many useless efforts and so much experience of the perfidy of these infidels, Monseigneur has completely changed his opinion and agrees with all the wise persons in the colony that these barbarians must be exterminated, if possible, or all the Christians and Christianity itself in Canada will perish. When there is no more Christianity or missionaries, what hope will there be for their salvation? [Marshall, p.256-57]
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"What will become of them? Where will they go?"
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[However, six years later, after the French army had destroyed the main settlement of the Mohawks, the most militant of the Iroquois, Marie has backed away from thoughts of "extermination" and expresses pity:]
What will become of them? Where will they go? Their villages have been burned; their country has been sacked. The season is too far advanced for them to rebuild their villages. The little grain that remains from the firing of their crops will not be enough to nourish them, they being to the number of three thousand. If they go to the other nations, they will not be received for fear of causing famine....
I recommend the conversion of those barbarians to your prayers. [Marshall, pp. 325-28]
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"We have not set ourselves to teach this."
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[At the start of her mission, Marie had seemed convinced that she could not only convert the Native Americans but also "civilize" them as well, which for her, of course, meant making them just like the French. Within five years she had abandoned this as a major goal. In 1644 she answered one of Claude's questions:]
If our Savages are as perfect as I tell you? As concerns manners, they have not the French elegance --- I mean in what concerns a compliment or French behaviour. We have not set ourselves to teach this but rather the commandments of God... and all the other acts of religion. A Savage confesses as well as a religious....
There are Savages as there are French. Among them there are the more and the less devout, but generally speaking they are more devout than the French. [Marshall, pp.131-32]
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"...makes one suspect... that God wishes only a transient
Church here."
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[But Marie, a loyal subject of Louis XIV, was no believer in democracy: she did not see the Native Americans as suitable for leadership. Of greater interest is that she had begun to question the long-term success of the missionary effort. In 1650:]
...[I]t will always be necessary to depend on Europe for the workers for the Gospel, the nature of the American Savages (even the most holy and spiritual) not being at all suited to ecclesiastical functions but only to being taught and led gently along the way to heaven, which makes one suspect... that God wishes only a transient Church here. [Marshall, p,183]
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"The Savages are extraordinarily fond of their children."
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[And in 1668, the year before Marie retired from office. The reader may wonder if she thought back to the relationship between herself and Claude in 1631:]
...[I]t is a very difficult thing, not to say impossible, to make the little Savages French or civilized.... [O]f a hundred that have passed through our hands we have scarcely civilized one. We find docility and intelligence in these girls but, when we are least expecting it, they clamber over our wall and go off to run with their kinsmen in the woods, finding more to please them there than in all the amenities of our French houses.
Such is the nature of the Savages; they cannot be restrained and, if they are, they become melancholy and their melancholy makes them sick. Moreover, the Savages are extraordinarily fond of their children and, when they know they are sad, they leave no stone unturned to get them back.... [Marshall, p.341]
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[In the first half of this study, Marie-Florine Bruneau discusses how Marie's letters describe Native American women and how her descriptions of events differ from those written in the Jesuit Relations. Bruneau gives her translations of many passages from the letters, including a few not given in the translations by Marshall or Mahoney, above. The book's notes and bibliography are useful. (See the book's table of contents online.):]
Bruneau, Marie-Florine. Women mystics confront the modern
world: Marie de l'Incarnation (1599-1672) and Madame Guyon (1648-1717)
(SUNY series in Western esoteric traditions). Albany: State University
of New York Press, c1998. (x, 279 p.)
LC#: BV5095 .A1 B69 1998; ISBN: 0791436616, 0791436624
Includes bibliographical references (p. 265-274) and index
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[Anya Mali's study focuses on Marie's spiritual life. Two chapters are especially helpful: one analyzes Marie's Relation of 1654; another places Marie's years in New France against the general background of French missionary activity of the period:]
Mali, Anya. Mystic in the new world: Marie de l'Incarnation
(1599-1672) (Studies in the history of Christian thought, v.
72). Leiden [Netherlands]; New York: E.J. Brill, 1996. (xviii,
189 p.)
LC#: BX4705.M3564 M35 1996; ISBN: 9004106065
Includes bibliographical references (p. [174]-182) and indexes
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[The section of Natalie Zemon Davis' study that deals with Marie focuses on the mission's relations with Native Americans, especially women. Davis also shows how Claude's editing changed the original texts. She gives detailed background information and her own translation of quoted passages. (See the book's table of contents online.):]
Davis, Natalie Zemon. Women on the margins: three seventeenth-century
lives. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1995. (360
p., [28] p. of plates: ill., maps)
LC#: CT3233 .D38 1995; ISBN: 067495520X
Includes bibliographical references (p. [219]-339) and index
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[Elizabeth C. Goldsmith's study includes a chapter on Marie, which discusses the letters but focuses chiefly on the Relation of 1654 and on Claude Martin's 1677 La Vie de la venerable Mere Marie de l'Incarnation, in which Claude made Marie's description of her spiritual life acceptable to ecclesiastical authorities by presenting himself as co-author. Goldsmith gives the French original and her translation of all quoted passages. (See the book's table of contents online.):]
Goldsmith, Elizabeth C. Publishing women's life stories in
France, 1647-1720: from voice to print (Women and gender in the
early modern world). Aldershot: Ashgate, c2001. (viii, 172 p.:
ill., ports.)
LC#: PQ 149 .G66 2001; ISBN: 0754603709
Includes bibliographical references and index
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[One chapter in Mitchell Greenberg's study gives a thought-provoking
psychoanalytic reading of a part of Claude's Vie. Focusing
on Marie's report of her early years in Claude's version of the
1654 Relation and on Claude's interpretation of that work,
Greenberg discusses the psycho-emotional relationship between
mother and son. Quoted passages from La Vie are not translated,
but their meaning is usually made clear in the discussion. (See the book's
table of contents online.):]
Greenberg, Mitchell. Baroque bodies: psychoanalysis and the
culture of French absolutism. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University
Press, 2001. (278 p.)
LC#: PQ245 .G738 2001; ISBN: 0801438071
Note Includes bibliographical references and index
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[Using post-colonial theory, Carla Zecher's article looks
at Marie's position on the margin between France and its colony,
between European and Native American, and between French monastic
life and that in Canada. Quoted passages from the letters are
not translated, but their meaning is generally made clear in
the discussion:]
Zecher, Carla. Life on the French-Canadian hyphen: Nation
and narration in the correspondence of Marie de l'Incarnation.
Quebec Studies, 26 (Fall 1998/Winter 1999), 38-51.
LC#: F1051 .Q33; ISSN: 0737-3759
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[Miriam Thompson has translated Guy Marie Oury's 1973 French
biography of Marie. It is a scholarly and detailed study, and
it includes passages from Marie's letters and other works not
available elsewhere in English:]
Oury, Guy Marie. Marie Guyart (1599-1672). Translated by Miriam
Thompson. Washington Court House, Ohio: Intercontinental Service,
1978, c1973. (iv, 555 p.: ill.)
LC#: BX4705.M36 O92x
Includes bibliographical references and indexes
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Updated 03-21-08