Return to the index of "Other Women's Voices."
Updated 11-02-08
Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of Navarre
/Jehanne de Navarre (1528-1572)
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"THESE, MADAME, ARE THE... REASONS... I HAVE TAKEN TO ARMS."
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Jeanne was the daughter of Henry d'Albret and Marguerite de Navarre, king and queen of Navarre, a small but important buffer state between France and Spain, whose rulers owed fealty to the French crown. Her education was supervised by humanist reformers appointed by her mother. When she was 12, her uncle, King Francis I of France, had her married to a political ally, the Duke of Cleves --- over Jeanne's strongly expressed objections. Four years later the marriage was annulled; her husband had ceased to be profitable to Francis.
In 1547, Francis I died; in the next year his successor had the now 20-year-old Jeanne married to Antoine de Bourbon, "first prince of the blood," and so heir to the French throne if no legitimate sons were available to succeed the Valois king. This was as much a political marriage as the first, but Jeanne seems to have approved of the choice. Five children were born by 1559, although only two survived infancy.
The couple lived quietly until 1555, when Jeanne's father died and they became rulers of Navarre and Bearn, with control over much of Gascony and Guyenne. The southwest of France had become a refuge for French Calvinists --- called "Huguenots" --- and fertile ground for preachers from Geneva. Jeanne had already supported religious reformers, as her mother had before her, and she began to become more active in Bearn. Antoine's interest in reform is less certain; he seems to have chosen whatever side promised more political benefit.
In 1560, Jeanne publicly announced her adherence to Calvinist belief; because of her rank she became one of the leaders of the Huguenot party. At the same time, a 10-year-old Charles IX had just been crowned king of France, and the nobles --- Protestant and Catholic --- were vying to see who would control him. Although Catherine de Medici, Charles' mother, tried to balance the opposing sides, the first of a series of civil wars began while Jeanne and Antoine were at the French court in 1562. Antoine declared for the Catholics and sent Jeanne home, but he kept their 9-year-old son Henry at court --- ostensibly for his education, in effect as a hostage.
Within a year, Antoine had died of battle wounds, and Jeanne was now sole ruler of her lands in the southwest, with Henry "first prince of the blood." Jeanne immediately made Calvinism the state religion of Bearn and began to put Navarre and her other territories under Calvinist civil and military control. This brought threats from Spain and Rome, which in turn brought some conciliation from Catherine, who opposed what Jeanne was doing but opposed even more any outside intervention into French matters. In 1567, Jeanne was allowed to take Henry, now 14, away from the court and home to Bearn.
Later that year war began again. Huguenots captured the city of La Rochelle and fortified it as a permanent base. In 1568, Catholic nobles in Jeanne's lands revolted, and Bearn was threatened by both French and Spanish forces. Jeanne took her two children and went to La Rochelle, where she was involved both in military planning and in raising money for ships and arms. A year later, Catherine began peace negotiations with Jeanne, but fighting continued; in 1570 a peace was concluded and official talks began on a marriage between Henry and Catherine's youngest daughter, Marguerite de Valois.
With her lands restored, Jeanne returned to Bearn to establish an even more thoroughly Calvinist state. At the start of 1572, she went to the French court to arrange Henry's marriage. She hoped he would be a future Protestant king of France; in case that didn't come about, she wanted him to be given all of Guyenne as a dukedom, so that there would be at least one area within France to provide a Protestant refuge. By April an agreement for the marriage had been made (but with no dukedom). Jeanne accepted it because she saw it as the best hope for Henry and for the Protestant cause. She died two months before the wedding and the massacre of Huguenots that followed it.
The writings published during Jeanne's life span most of her active political career, from 1563 to 1571. Their purpose was to encourage the Protestant faithful and to exhort the undecided to join her in the cause. An exchange of letters between Jeanne and a Catholic cardinal were printed in Bearn in 1563. Four letters that she wrote to the royal family on her 1568 trip from Bearn to La Rochelle and one written later to Elizabeth I of England were published as Lettres de tres haute tres vertueuse & tres chrestienne Princess Jane Royne de Navarre. In 1570 was published Ample declaration sur la jonction de ses armes des Reformes en 1568, Jeanne's justification for having left Bearn to join the army at La Rochelle. Finally, in 1571 the Ordonnance Ecclesiastiques de la Reine de Navarre was printed, for the use of other Protestant rulers.
It wouldn't be accurate to call Jeanne's other letters private; as a ruler, she knew that they would be read by many and eventually archived. But the letters do show a more human side than the polemical printed works. They reveal a strong-willed woman who was aware of her own deficiencies, especially the difficulty she had in controlling impatience with those who disagreed with her.
There is no complete English translation of her writing, but there is enough available to let us know something of one of the few reigning queens of the period.
On this page you'll find:
Links to helpful sites online.
Excerpts from translations in print.
Information on secondary sources.
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1. Essays that include translated passages:
(a) A biography by Marilyn B. Manzer, "Reformed Royalty: The Strength of Queen Jeanne d'Albret," (1990); much of the material is based on Nancy L. Roelker's book, and a few passages from the letters are give in Roelker's translation (for more excerpts from Roelker, see below, under "In print").
(b) Another biography, "A Faithful Huguenot Queen," by Paul K. Christianson, which includes other excerpts from Jeanne's letters.
(c) In an essay by Jane Dempsey Douglass, use your browser's search function to go to "Albret" for several paragraphs on Jeanne, including lines from her 1563 letter responding to a threat of excommunication for establishing a new religion and for persecuting Catholics. The translation is by Roland Herbert Bainton (for information on Bainton's book, see "Secondary sources").
(d) A brief essay on Jeanne's 1571 Ordonnance Ecclesiastiques that includes a passage from a letter by Jeanne explaining her purpose.
(e) A link to the text of Martha Walker Freer's 1855 biography, The Life of Jeanne d'Albret, Queen of Navarre; some of the information has been made outdated by later research (e.g., the details of the St Bartholomew's day massacre), but Freer quotes extensively from Jeanne's letters. You can also download the work as a PDF file.
2. Other essays:
(a) Click on "Traduction" for a translation of a biographical essay on Jeanne by Eugenie Pascal, followed by a 2002 bibliography of Jeanne's writings.
(b) On two pages, another biography, this by Jone Johnson Lewis (the information is based on David Bryson's 1999 study; for that see #4a, below).
3. For Albret's words in French, a link to the text of Alphonse de Ruble's 1893 Memoires et poesies de Jeanne d'Albret, which gives a number of her letters as well as four poems (pp.125-33); you can also download the work as a PDF file.
4. Portraits, etc.:
(a) A c.1568-70 portrait of Jeanne, by Jean Clouet.
(b) Another (perhaps earlier) portrait.
(c) A portrait made later in Jeanne's life.
(d) A coin with Jeanne's likeness, struck during her reign.
(e) From the opening of Georgette de Montenay's 1571 Emblemes ou Devises Chrestiennes, under a banner reading "Wisdom builds her house," Pierre Woeiriot's engraving (with Montenay's verse) of Jeanne building the "holy temple."
5. Reviews (for excerpts from Bryson, see under "In print"; for information on the other books' treatment of Jeanne, see "Secondary sources"):
(a) J.H.M. Salmon on David Bryson's 1999 study, Queen Jeanne and the Promised Land: Dynasty, Homeland, Religion and Violence in Sixteenth-century France.
(b) Mary B. McKinley on the 2006 biography by Patricia F. Cholakian and Rouben C. Cholakian, Marguerite de Navarre: Mother of the Renaissance .
(c) Raymond A. Mentzer on Ronald S. Love's 2001 study, Blood and Religion: The Conscience of Henri IV, 1553-1593.
6. For historical background:
(a) A 1563 letter from Jeanne's enemy, Catherine de Medici, to her son, the 13-year-old Charles IX (three years older than Henry of Navarre), telling him what he must do to make the French "live in peace and love their King."
(b) The first half of Skip Knox's essay, "The Reformation in France," describes the political situation during Jeanne's life.
(c) A two-part essay by C.T. Iannuzzo focuses on the French "Wars of Religion" from 1562 to 1598. The first few sections clearly describe the background to the wars of Jeanne's time. You can link to a map which shows Rochelle and, in the southwest, the Bourbon lands of Bearn /Navarre. And from the same source, a historical time line, with links to other relevant information.
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[Nancy L. Roelker's 1968 biography is still considered the definitive study of Jeanne; it contains Roelker's translation of numerous excerpts --- some brief but some lengthy --- from Jeanne's letters and published works:]
Roelker, Nancy L. (Nancy Lyman). Queen of Navarre; Jeanne
d'Albret, 1528-1572. Cambridge, Belknap Press of Harvard University
Press, 1968. (xii, 503 p. geneal. table, maps, ports)
LC#: DC112 .J4 R6
Bibliographical references included in "Notes" (p.
441-487)
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[David Bryson's study focuses on the effect of Jeanne's actions
on southwest France. Bryson gives his translation of some of
Jeanne's letters not included in Roelker, and also of letters
to Jeanne from others, including John Calvin and Theodore Beza.
The book includes useful maps and a detailed index. (See
the book's table of contents online.):]
Bryson, David. Queen Jeanne and the Promised Land: dynasty,
homeland, religion and violence in sixteenth-century France.
Leiden; Boston: Brill, 1999. (xiv,285 p., [14]p. of plates:ill.,
facsims., maps)
LC#: DC112 .J4 B79; ISBN: 9004113789
Includes bibliographical references and index
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"...because of force, against my will, out of fear."
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[Unless Bryson is cited, the following passages are from Roelker. The earliest of Jeanne's writing that we have is from 1641; on the day before her marriage to the Duke of Cleves, the 12-year-old submitted this statement to the legal authorities in Bearn:]
I, Jehanne de Navarre, continuing my protests already made, in which I persist, say and declare and protest again by these presents that the marriage proposed between me and the Duke of Cleves is against my will, that I have never consented to it, and that I never will.
Anything that I may say or do after this because of which it could be said that I had given my consent, will have been because of force, against my will, out of fear of the King [Francis I], of my father the King, and of my mother the Queen, who had me threatened and beaten by... my governess.... [who said] that I would be the cause of the ruin and destruction of my mother and father and of their house.
...I do not know to whom to appeal except to God, when I see that my mother and father have abandoned me. ...I have told them that I would never love the Duke of Cleves and I do not want to have anything to do with him. [p.54]
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"...nor to occupy herself with other than amusing literature."
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[Earlier letters are extant but the first of significance is one from 1555. Five years before Jeanne would publicly announce her choice of the Protestant faith, and just after she and her husband Antoine were crowned Queen and King of Navarre, she wrote to the Viscomte de Gourdon, a Protestant noble whose lands lay north of Navarre. The opening:]
I am writing the present letter to tell you that until now I have been following the deceased Queen, Madame my most honoured Mother [Marguerite de Navarre], whom God absolve regarding the doubts between the Religions in which she engaged through her deceased brother King Francis the First of good and glorious memory, my most honoured Uncle, [telling her] not to put new dogmas in her head, nor to occupy herself with other than amusing literature....
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"It is necessary... to hold meetings together secretly."
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[The letter continues. Jeanne's mother, of course, had supported reformers and had written much more than "amusing literature," but Jeanne would take more dramatic action. We don't know if her husband knew of this letter; we do know that he was not at Bigorre in September:]
Now free, by the death of the King my father two months ago..., it appears to me that the reform is so just and so necessary, I myself consider that it would be disloyal cowardice towards God, my conscience, and my people, to remain any longer in indecision and confusion....
...[I]t is necessary for men of good standing to hold meetings together secretly in order to resolve the way to proceed, whether now or in the future. Being well advised that you have knowledgeable people close to you, and recognizing the spirit of Nobility and courage in you, I ask if you would come with those people to... Bigorre, where I expect to be towards the end of September next. [Bryson, p.318]
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"Forgive me if anger makes me... write too boldly."
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[With Antoine's death in 1562, Jeanne's son Henry became governor of Guyenne, but since he was being held at Charles IX's court, Catherine de Medici sent a deputy. A few months later, Jeanne wrote to Catherine to complain of the deputy's interference with her attempts to promote the Protestant cause in Guyenne. She had to be conciliatory because Guyenne, unlike Bearn and Navarre, was French territory. Here, as always when she wrote to Catherine or Charles, she used the conventional fiction that they were both at heart on her side but being deceived by others (Catherine used the same convention when writing to Jeanne):]
One thing I very much desire: that your kindness to me and mine should not be turned aside by those who show sufficiently in their actions what they have in their hearts against our House. I well, know, Madame, that there is nothing you wish less and that you wish, indeed, to show us the means to render you service, but the fact is, Madame, that I see the results as contrary.
Before going any further, Madame, I beg you to forgive me if anger makes me forget myself and write too boldly....
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"You have my son...."
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[After describing the injuries received from the governor, Jeanne acknowledged the hold Catherine had over her:]
I assure you, Madame, that it would distress me greatly to have to endure, as I have up to the present, a governor of Guyenne who defies me under cover of your service, for which I shall always bow my head....
You have my son as a testimonial of my wholehearted devotion. I beg you, Madame, to hold him in your protection and good grace, in which I myself wish to remain forever. [pp.204-206]
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"They make him sign... requests false in the light of truth."
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[However, in a letter to Gourdon, written at about the same time, Jeanne's "wholehearted devotion" is less in evidence:]
I have suffered so much, first through the death... of my very honoured lord and husband..., still more by the things the King and Madame the Queen Mother oblige my son... to do. They are detaining him and they make him sign and give his approval to requests false in the light of truth and of his upbringing, reflecting hatred of the Reformed Religion and of its adherents. [p.207]
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"I might be reproached if... I did not destroy idols in
consecrated places."
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[After Jeanne made Protestantism the state religion in Bearn, she received a letter from a cousin, Cardinal d'Armagnac, which threatened her in the name of Pope Pius IV with excommunication for establishing a new religion and for persecuting Catholics in her lands. Her response marked the start of Jeanne's public participation in the religious debate; Armagnac's letter and her reply were printed and widely distributed by the end of the year:]
As to the reformation... I am most earnestly resolved, by the grace of God, to continue throughout my land of Bearn..., I have learned from my Bible (which I read more than the works of your doctors)... that I might be reproached if, professing myself a servant of God, I did not destroy idols in consecrated places.
...[N]either have I undertaken, as you assert, to implant a new religion, but only to restore the ruins of the ancient faith.
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"We shall continue to live peacefully together."
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[Armagnac had warned Jeanne of her danger from Spain's Philip II and France's Charles IX. It's unlikely that Jeanne was quite as sanguine about her neighbors as she presents herself, but this letter was to be published and read by her subjects:]
I know them better than you do. The one hates my faith and I abhor his, even so, I feel sure that we shall continue to live peacefully together...; the other, who is the root of my race, does not hate the reformed faith, as you say, but permits its exercise by nobles and princes about his person, among whom my son is fortunate to be included....
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"Where are the fine crowns you promised him?"
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[Armagnac had argued that Jeanne's support of Protestantism could cost her the crown. She turned the argument around, saying that her husband's defection, brought about with promises by people like Armagnac, had cost him his life fighting on the Catholic side:]
If God's spirit did not instruct me, my common sense would do so, having before my eyes an infinite number of examples, the main one to my great regret, being that of the late King, which sorry tale you know.
...[W]here are the fine crowns you promised him... if he would fight against the true religion and against his conscience...? [pp.218-19]
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"They must make the whole leap...."
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[By 1568 the Calvinist leaders had created a stronghold at La Rochelle, on the west coast of France, from which to continue fighting the Catholics. Jeanne wrote to her Protestant neighbor, Gourdon, telling him of her plan to join them:]
In the past, too great tardiness and too little resistance have always kept the Children of Abraham from the right path, but now, having gone out of Egypt, they must make the whole leap to surge forth to the Promised Land and leave vile Babylon. You and the other Viscounts, unyielding like me, will make strong and enduring examples....
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"...to have colloquies together on religious doctrine and
war."
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[Henry had been back with his mother for a year, after a five-year separation. Jeanne invited Gourdon to come to La Rochelle to help teach Henry:]
To these aforesaid ends... I will take action to join them all and go to La Rochelle with my son....
Since he has been with me he has been well instructed in the Religion and shows himself adept in truth and arms. You will see that he is big for his age, and it will please you often to have colloquies together on religious doctrine and war, on which matters you are so expert and he is so apt. [Bryson, p.321]
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"We are not guilty of lese majesty against God or our King."
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[In going to La Rochelle, Jeanne was taking a major step: her actions in her own lands were merely a nuisance to the French government, but by this action she was allying herself with those who had been declared traitors. She wrote five letters justifying her decision. Queen Elizabeth of England was included among the recipients because, although a much needed supporter of the Protestant cause, she could not be expected to look kindly on treason against any crowned head. To Elizabeth, Jeanne gave three reasons for her action:]
The first is the cause of the Religion... which was so oppressed and afflicted... that I would never have been able to bear the shame... if my son and I had not joined the blessed company... resolved to spare neither blood, life, nor goods....
The second reason, Madame, which follows from the first, is the service of the King. ...[S]ince my son and I have the honor to be closest to him in blood... we hastened to oppose those who, abusing the great goodness of our King, were making him the author of his own ruin....
The third reason is particular to my son and myself.... I had been warned that the enemy would attempt to kidnap my son....
These, Madame, are the three reasons... I have taken to arms, any one of which would have been sufficient.... We are not guilty of lese majesty against God or our King... as I very humbly beseech you to believe. [pp.304-305]
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"Even my will was in league against me."
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[At the end of 1568, at La Rochelle, Jeanne wrote a longer defense of her decision to leave her lands. Her chief concern seems to have been those who accused her of running away and abandoning the people of Bearn and Navarre. Jeanne defended herself by telling of the struggles she underwent in making her decision:]
Do not think... that I undertook this journey lightly. Believe me, it was not without conflict, with others and with myself....
My enemy [Satan] aroused a number of my own retainers... some clever, others worldly-wise, still others wholly naive, animated by foolish zeal. The boldest tried to make me doubt the justice of the cause....
...I not only had to fight outside enemies, I had a war in my entrails. Even my will was in league against me.... [Satan] had won over half of my will to conquer the other half. Nevertheless, I was finally victorious, by the grace of God. [pp.298-99]
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"...to die, all of us..., unless permitted to worship publicly."
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[The negotiations for peace in 1569-70 were carried on between Catherine and Jeanne. In a letter to Catherine, responding to a peace proposal that did not include freedom of Protestant worship, Jeanne said:]
We have come to the determination to die, all of us, rather than abandon our God, and our religion, the which we cannot maintain unless permitted to worship publicly, any more than a human body can live without meat or drink.... [p.334]
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"Our subjects... persist stubbornly in their idolatries
and superstitions."
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[However, a month later, when Catholics in Navarre resisted an edict closing their churches and requiring attendance at Protestant services, Jeanne sent this open letter to the Catholic nobles. Her view is that of her century: her religion was true, so must be allowed; any other was false, so must not be allowed:]
We know... that, in great defiance of God's will..., a number of our subjects have been taking the liberty to depart from the true path and to persist stubbornly in their idolatries and superstitions....
We have never intended... to allow our subjects to return to their idolatries... or to dispense them from observation of the said edict, whereby it is decreed that [all] must attend the public prayers and exhortations. [p.277]
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"I am determined not to let anger get the best of me."
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[The last months of Jeanne's life would be spent negotiating the marriage of Henry to Charles IX's sister, Marguerite. Jeanne wanted the marriage so that France or at least the southwest would be Protestant; however, she feared the royal family and the effect that court life would have on her 18-year-old son. In January 1572 she left for the French court, writing home to Henry regularly. In February:]
I urge you not to leave Bearn until you receive word from me. If you are already en route, find some pretext... to return....
It is evident that [Catherine] thinks everything I say is only my own opinion and that you hold another.... I assure you I am very uncomfortable because they oppose me strongly and I need all the patience in the world....
Given her influence with the King and her mother..., if she [Marguerite] embraces the Religion, we can count ourselves the luckiest in the world, and not only our family but the whole kingdom of France. But if, with her caution and judgement, she is determined to stick stubbornly to her religion---as I have been told---I fear this marriage will be the ruin, in the first place, of our friends and our domains, and such an aid to the Papists... that we and all the churches of France will surely be destroyed. Therefore, my son, if you are ever to pray to God, let it be now. [p.368]
[And two weeks later. Protestant nobles from the court were urging Jeanne not to take too hard a line in her demands:]
I am besieged by a regiment of Huguenots, who come rather to spy on me than to help me. Some of them are important to us and I have to be careful not to set them even more against me. I also have other visitors, who are no less of a hindrance..., those one might call religious hermaphrodites. I cannot say I lack advice, but no two opinions agree....
I am determined not to let anger get the best of me, and my patience is miraculous to behold. I know that I will need it even more than in the past, and I have braced myself. I fear that I may fall sick, for I do not feel at all well....
Not for anything on earth would I have you come to live here.... You have doubtless realized that their main object, my son, is to separate you from God and from me. [pp.372-73]
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"It is impossible to divine their conclusion."
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[In April, the marriage negotiations were completed. Henry received new lands, but not the dukedom Jeanne had hoped for, nor the promise of conversion from Marguerite. The opening line of Jeanne's letter to Queen Elizabeth of England announcing the decision was prophetic: Jeanne would die before Henry got to Paris, and a week after the wedding a massacre of Protestants would start the religious wars all over again:]
Events which order the destinies of great personages are usually so beset with difficulties that it is impossible to divine their conclusion. [p.382]
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The two works above, by Roelker and by Bryson, are the best sources available in English, but here are a few others that may be useful:
[The first chapter of Ronald S. Love's study of Henry IV focuses on the relationship between Jeanne and her son. Love quotes in detail from Jeanne's letters to Henry and to others, as well as from reports from contemporaries on her conversations. (See the book's table of contents online.):]
Love, Ronald S. Blood and religion: the conscience of Henri
IV, 1553-1593. Montreal; Ithaca: McGill-Queen's University Press,
c2001. (xii, [9] p. of plates, 457 p.: ill., ports.)
LC#: DC122.8 .L684 2001; ISBN: 0773521240
Includes bibliographical references (p. [415]-449) and index
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[This biography by Patricia F. Cholakian and Rouben C. Cholakian of Jeanne's mother includes a brief description (pp. 303-305) of an exchange of poems between mother and daughter written shortly before Margerite's death in 1549. Quoted passages are given in Patricia Cholakian's translation, with the original in the notes. You will find more on Jeanne's early life via the index. (See the book's table of contents online.):]
Marguerite de Navarre: mother of the Renaissance / Patricia
F. Cholakian and Rouben C. Cholakian. New York: Columbia University
Press, c2006. (xix, 412 p., [12] p. of plates: ill., 1 map)
LC#: DC112.M2 C56 2006; ISBN: 0231134126
Includes bibliographical references (p. [315]-399) and index
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[Roland Herbert Bainton's collection of essays includes one on Jeanne d'Albret. Bainton quotes from several of Jeanne's letters (also given in Roelker), but he sometimes omits sentences without indicating that fact. Perhaps most useful are several contemporary engravings on politics and battles:]
Bainton, Roland Herbert. Women of the Reformation in France
and England. Minneapolis, Augsburg Pub. House [1973]. (287 p.
illus.)
Bibliography: p. 277
LC#: BR317 .B29; ISBN: 0806613335
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[Although it does not deal with Jeanne d'Albret, this study
by R.J. Knecht provides useful historical background on the period.
It is brief and clear and is especially helpful in reflecting
current research on the Massacre of St. Bartholomew's Day. (See
the book's table of contents online.):]
Knecht, R. J. (Robert Jean). The French wars of religion,
1559-1598 (Seminar studies in history). Longman [i.e. London];
New York: Longman, 1996. 2nd ed. (iv, 151 p. : ill., maps)
LC#: DC111 .K54 1996; ISBN: 058228533X
Includes bibliographical references (p. [134]-143) and index
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Updated 11-02-08